Question: How does Yerevan see the issue of the Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh) status and in which negotiating framework it should be decided - Russia-Armenia-Azerbaijan or, nevertheless, the OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairs? Does Yerevan consider the recognition of Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh) as an independent state within the limits specified in the November 9 statement?

Answer: The November 9 trilateral statement is aimed at establishing a ceasefire and cessation of hostilities in Nagorno-Karabakh conflict zone, as well as the deployment of Russian peacekeepers in Artsakh. This statement, in fact, outlines the current situation at the time of its adoption, while realizing that the issue of the final political settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has not been resolved. We proceed from the premise that only through negotiations it would be possible to reach a solution which would take into account the rights of all and lead to peace and stability to the South Caucasus. And such a settlement should be based first of all on the determination of the status of Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh).

The essence of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict is the issue of the right of the people of Artsakh to self-determination. That right cannot be suppressed or frozen by force. Armenia has been, and will remain in the position of recognizing the right of the people of Artsakh to self-determination and security. Under no status or circumstances can Artsakh be under the jurisdiction of Azerbaijan. The recent aggression once again proved that Artsakh as part of Azerbaijan will mean Artsakh without Armenians. We all remember the ethnic cleansing in the late 1980s and early 1990s in major Azerbaijani cities which had no direct connection to Nagorno-Karabakh. February 27 marks the 33rd anniversary of the massacre of the Armenian population in Sumgait with the involvement of the Azerbaijani authorities. The events in Sumgait, the subsequent pogroms in Baku under the slogan "Glory to the heroes of Sumgait", as well as the war crimes and atrocities committed by the Azerbaijani army during the 44-day war in the occupied territories of Artsakh, particularly in the Hadrut region, testify to the fact that only the realization of the right to self-determination can ensure the life and security of the Armenian population in its own historical homeland.

Regarding the format of the settlement, we have repeatedly stated that the OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairmanship is the only format enjoying international mandate, within the framework of which a final political solution to the conflict should be achieved. Our position in this regard remains unchanged. The key issues of the peace process are not resolved today. This fully coincides with the view of the OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chair countries, which was clearly stated in the statement of December 3, 2020.

The aggression against Artsakh as a method of conflict resolution is a challenge to the entire international community, undermining the mediation efforts and authority of the Co-Chairs, which are permanent members of the UN Security Council. We really hope that the Co-Chairs will practically confirm their mandate and effectively lead the peace process.

As for Armenia's recognition of Artsakh as an independent state, Yerevan remains committed to the negotiation process. At present, the issue of resumption of the peace process is on our agenda, as a result of which it will be possible to ensure long-term security and stability in our region.

Question: Is your meeting with the Foreign Minister of Azerbaijan possible? Are there any talks on organizing a meeting between the leaders of the two countries?

Answer: We never refuse to meet. However, any meeting, if it is not organized only for it to mark as done, must meet certain criteria. First of all, we are speaking about creating an appropriate environment, setting a clear agenda, which is not less important, and should be in the condition of the existence of the other side’s ability to abide by the agreements.

Question: What kind of work is being done by the Russian peacekeepers, the International Committee of the Red Cross and with the Azerbaijani authorities to search and transfer the bodies of the missing people? When do you predict the process of exchanging prisoners of war will end? Is there any accurate data on the number of prisoners on both sides?

Answer: The exchange of prisoners of war, captured civilians and others detained is envisaged in the trilateral statement of November 9, 2020. In this direction, coordinated interdepartmental work is being carried out at the national level. Armenia has fulfilled its obligations to hand over prisoners of war on the principle of “all for all”. In spite of that, Azerbaijan creates artificial, groundless obstacles towards the immediate repatriation of Armenian prisoners of war and detained civilians. The Azerbaijani side manipulates the list of Armenian captives and refuses to accept the fact that Armenian servicemen and civilians are being held as captives. Moreover, official Baku is initiating criminal cases against some prisoners of war on false charges.

Such behavior of Azerbaijan not only contradicts the norms of international humanitarian law, but also is a direct violation of the provisions of the trilateral statement, thus questioning the implementation of the latter’s provisions.

The immediate and safe return of all prisoners of war is a priority. In this regard, we highly appreciate the efforts of the Russian Federation, as a responsible and impartial mediator, in the full implementation of the agreement on the return of prisoners of war. Thanks to joint efforts, it was possible for some of the Armenian captives to return to their homeland. The further delay in resolving this humanitarian issue, of course, not only exacerbates the grief of the Armenian society, but at the same time represents a direct challenge to the Russian Federation as a guarantor of the November 9 trilateral statement, as well as to the international community, in general.

Question: What is Armenia's attitude to the presence of Turkish troops in the Center for Monitoring the Ceasefire? Is the issue of involving the Armenian side in the work of that center being discussed?

Answer: Ankara's negative role in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict is obvious, especially in the recent aggression. First of all, it refers to the transfer of foreign terrorist fighters from the territories of the Middle East under its control and their active involvement in the war against Artsakh, military-technical assistance to Azerbaijan, as well as the overt failure of the three ceasefire agreements prior to the November 9 joint statement.

We expect a more targeted pressure from the international community on Turkey, so that the latter reconsiders its openly aggressive attitude towards the Armenian people.

Question: Is Turkey's active involvement in the Nagorno-Karabakh peace process acceptable for Yerevan?

Answer: The conflicting sides and the international mediators, like the OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairs, can partake in the negotiating process. Turkey, which has openly sponsored the activities of Middle East terrorists in Artsakh, as well as used its military drones against the civilian population of Artsakh, has already clearly shown not only its involvement in the conflict, but also its absolute distance from the negotiation process.

Question: Earlier, Prime Minister of Armenia Nikol Pashinyan said in a joint statement of November 9 that "there are nuances that contain problematic issues" and that "active diplomatic work is being carried out on all of them." Does this mean that Yerevan intends to reconsider some provisions of the November 9 statement? Is it possible to agree on problematic issues, including the exchange of prisoners of war?

Answer: Armenia strictly adheres to the principle of implementing all the provisions of the November 9 statement. Inter-ministerial commissions have been established at the national level to discuss issues concerning the implementation of the conditions of the statement. Issues arising at certain stages are discussed in a working order. We intend to adhere to this approach to the implementation of the trilateral statement in the future.

At the same time, we are witnessing the obvious reluctance of the Azerbaijani side to fulfill the agreements on certain issues, as it can be obvious by the arbitrary interpretation of provisions of the trilateral statement, including the provision on the exchange of prisoners of war and other people detained.

Question: Official Yerevan has repeatedly stated about foreign mercenaries involved in the Azerbaijani armed forces in the conflict zone. Is the issue still important after the end of hostilities? Can Yerevan provide evidence of the presence of mercenaries from Syria in Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh)? And is there a danger in the region in this regard?

Answer: In order to engage in hostilities against Artsakh, Azerbaijan and Turkey has transferred foreign terrorist fighters to the conflict zone. This fact has been confirmed by our international partners, first of all, the OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairs at the highest level.

Foreign terrorist fighters were arrested in the territory of Artsakh, who gave testimonies. The criminal cases were transferred to the relevant courts.

The fact of the presence of foreign terrorist fighters by Azerbaijan is also confirmed by a number of authoritative international organizations. The November 11, 2020 statement of the UN Working Group on the Use of Mercenaries reads that the mercenaries stationed in the region were linked to armed terrorist groups involved in war crimes and serious human rights abuses during the Syrian conflict. The statement unequivocally reflects Turkey's role in relocating foreign mercenaries.

All foreign mercenaries transferred by Turkey and Azerbaijan to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict zone must be immediately and completely removed from the region. The decision of the Azerbaijani leadership to turn the country into a Turkish satellite and hub of terrorism, is a serious threat not only to regional but also to international security.

Question: What is the current state of Armenian-Russian relations? Do you see the need to strengthen bilateral ties?

Answer: The allied nature of the Armenian-Russian interstate relations already presupposes constant and continuous work in terms of their further strengthening and adjusting to modern realities, conditioned by time and regional and global developments. We intend to carry out this work in a systematic way, based on the need to ensure the key interest of the people of our countries. Naturally, the solid foundation of this work has been and will continue to be the friendship of our people. It is obvious that the corresponding development of Armenian-Russian relations will not be limited by a separate sphere of cooperation: they will also have an impact on other areas, which are fully included in our allied cooperation agenda.

We intend to carry out this work within the framework of our existing interstate mechanisms of interaction. We are speaking about the intergovernmental commission on economic cooperation, and about the inter-parliamentary dialogue, within the framework of a large commission and the relevant sectoral committees, this is also work within the military-technical commission and in other formats, Naturally, all this will be actively coordinated by the foreign ministries our countries.

I would like to particularly emphasize the importance of the intensive dialogue at the level of Armenian-Russian diplomatic services, which we intend to further develop.